The Coming Insurrection (Semiotext(e) / Intervention) by The Invisible Committee

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Jacobite Prisoners Of The 1715 Rebellion: Preventing And Punishing Insurrection In Early Hanoverian Britain

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Jacobite Prisoners Of The 1715 Rebellion: Preventing And Punishing Insurrection In Early Hanoverian Britain

The Jacobite rebellion of 1715 was a dramatic but ultimately unsuccessful challenge to the new Hanoverian regime in Great Britain. It did, however, reveal serious fault lines in the political foundations of the new regime which enormously restricted the government's freedom of action in the suppression of the rebellion, and effectively made the treatment of the rebels in its aftermath the true test of the new dynasty's legitimacy and stability. Whilst the rulers of England had traditionally dealt harshly with internal rebellion, monarchs and their ministers had to find a delicate balance between showing the power of the regime through the candid exercise of force while maintaining their own reputation for justice and clemency. As such George I and his government had to tailor their reaction to the 1715 rebellion in such a way that it effectively discouraged further participation in Jacobite insurgency, undercut the rebels' ability to challenge the state, and made clear the regime's intention to use a firm hand in preventing rebellion. At the same time it could not cross the line into tyranny with excessive or sadistic executions and had to avoid giving offence to powerful magnates and foreign powers likely to petition for the lives of the captured rebels. To accomplish this feat, the Hanoverian Whig regime used a programme far more subtle and calculated than has generally been appreciated. The scheme it put into effect had three components, to put fear into the rank-and-file of the rebels through a limited programme of execution and transportation, to cripple the Catholic community through imprisonment and property confiscation, and, most crucially, to entertain petitions from members of the elite on behalf of imprisoned rebels. By following such a strategy of retribution tempered with clemency, this book argues that the Hanoverian regime was able to quell the immediate dangers posed by the rebellion, and bring its leaders back into the orbit of the government, beginning the process of reintegrating them back into political mainstream.

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Insurrection and Intervention: The Two Faces of Sovereignty

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Domestic sovereignty (the right of a government not to be resisted by its people) and international sovereignty (the moral immunity from outside intervention) have both been eroded in recent years, but the former to a much greater extent than the latter. An oppressed people's right to fight for liberal democratic reforms in their own country is treated as axiomatic, as the international responses to the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya illustrate. But there is a reluctance to accept that foreign intervention is always justified in the same circumstances. Ned Dobos assesses the moral cogency of this double standard and asks whether intervention can be consistently and coherently opposed given our attitudes towards other kinds of political violence. His thought-provoking book will interest a wide range of readers in political philosophy and international relations.

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Collective Bargaining

2011-12-21T14:21:00.001-08:00

!: Collective Bargaining

Many things have changed over the last 20 to 30 years in American culture. Some of the changes include the advancement of technology and the industry shift from production to service. As history has shown, unequal pay and treatment of employees has transformed employment an unbiased opportunity for the American dream to a dog-eat-dog world.

Many companies believe their employees should be happy with a paycheck at the end of the week, while employees want more than just a paycheck. Thus many new laws and the formation of a Union came forth.

During the 1930s, labor union membership in the United States increased rapidly, aided by the Wagner Act of 1935, which had protected the right of workers to organize and strike. Conservatives cited a coal miners' strike during World War II and a wave of strikes across many industries after the war as evidence that labor unions had become too powerful and unrestrained.

In 1946 Republicans won control of both the House and Senate for the first time since 1930. Senator Robert A. Taft, Sr. (Republican-Ohio), chair of the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee, and Representative Fred Hartley, Jr. (Republican-New Jersey), chair of the House Education and Labor Committee, sponsored the Labor-Management Relations Act of 1947 to regulate union activities. Their legislation became known as the Taft-Hartley Act. (Hartman)

Passed over President Harry Trum's veto, the Taft-Hartley Act allowed states to enact "right to work" laws to outlaw closed shops, companies where only union members could be employed. Taft-Hartley also prohibited jurisdictional strikes, in which different unions struck a company to determine which one would represent its workers, and barred communists from serving as union officers. Taft-Hartley gave Presidents the right to seek a federal court injunction to call off strikes for an 80-day "cooling off" period. This would allow work to continue while management and labor negotiated a contract. Although highly controversial, and strongly opposed by labor unions, the Republican-sponsored Taft-Hartley Act has remained largely unchanged by later Democratic majorities in Congress. (Byars & Rue, 2004, p. 381).

Taft-Hartley Act

Federal law (in full, Labor Management Relations Act) enacted in 1947, which restored to management in unionized industries some of the bargaining power it had lost in pro-union legislation prior to World War II. Taft-Hartley prohibited a union from:

o refusing to bargain in good faith

o coercing employees to join a union

o imposing excessive or discriminatory dues and initiation fees

o forcing employers to hire union workers to perform unneeded or non-existent tasks (a practice known as featherbedding)

o striking to influence a bargaining unit's choice between two contesting unions (called a jurisdictional strike)

o engaging in secondary boycotts against businesses selling or handling nonunion goods

o engaging in sympathy strikes in support of other unions
Taft-Hartley also

o imposed disclosure requirements to regulate union business dealings and uncover fraud and racketeering

o prohibited unions from directly making contributions to candidates running for federal offices

o authorized the President of the United States to postpone strikes in industries deemed essential to national economic health or national security by declaring an 80-day "cooling-off period"

o permitted states to enact right-to-work laws, which outlaw compulsory unionization.

The National Labor Relations Board is an independent federal agency created by Congress in 1935 to administer the National Labor Relations Act, the primary law governing relations between unions and employers in the private sector. The statute guarantees the right of employees to organize and to bargain collectively with their employers, and to engage in other protected concerted activity with or without a union, or to refrain from all such activity. (Byars & Rue, 2004 p. 365).

National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), independent agency of the U.S. government created under the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 (Wagner Act), and amended by the acts of 1947 (Taft-Hartley Labor Act) and 1959 (Landrum-Griffin Act), which affirmed labor's right to organize and bargain collectively through representatives of their own choice or to refrain from such activities. The board consist of five members (appointed by the U.S. President with the approval of the Senate for five-year terms) is assisted by 33 regional directors.

This board determines proper bargaining units, conducts elections for union representation, and investigates charges of unfair labor practices by employers. Unfair practices include interference, coercion, or restraint in labor's self-organizational rights; interference with the formation of labor unions; encouraging or discouraging membership in a union; and refusal to bargain collectively with a duly chosen employee representative. The NLRB does not have the power to consider cases involving real estate brokers, agricultural employees, domestic workers, family workers, government employees, and church-run schools. (www.hlrb.com)

State laws that make it illegal for labor unions and employers to enter into contracts that provide for a business to employ only union members in the jobs covered by the contract. One typical version of a right-to-work law reads, "No person may be denied employment, and employers may not be denied the right to employ any person, because of that person's membership or non-membership in any labor organization." (Hedding) Labor union leaders typically seek the repeal of right-to-work laws because much lower percentages of workers choose to join unions and pay dues in states where such laws are in effect.

Defenders of right-to-work laws tend to argue that workers who refuse to join unions mainly do so because they just do not value the collective bargaining services that unions perform and/or because they disagree with the political causes that unions support with their dues money. Opponents of right-to-work laws tend to see refusal to join a union mainly as attempting to be a free rider that enjoys the very real benefits of union representation without having to pay his fair share of the cost. About 20 US states have some version of such a law presently in effect.

I current live in Arizona, which is a Right to Work state. Often there is confusion as to what that means. Many people believe it means that you can be fired from your job without explanation, and they are, therefore, reluctant to live and work in a Right to Work state. That is not the basis of the Right to Work concept. A Right to Work law guarantees that no person can be compelled, as a condition of employment, to join or not to join, or to pay dues to a labor union. In other words, if you work in a Right to Work state, like Arizona, and the employees form a union, you may not be fired if you decide not to join. Likewise, if you are a member of a union in a Right to Work state, and you decide to resign from the union, you may not be fired for that reason. (Hedding)

Here is how Arizona's Constitution, article XXV, reads:
"Right to work or employment without membership in labor organization
No person shall be denied the opportunity to obtain or retain employment because of non-membership in a labor organization, nor shall the State or any subdivision thereof, or any corporation, individual or association of any kind enter into any agreement, written or oral, which excludes any person from employment or continuation of employment because of non-membership in a labor organization. (Addition approved election Nov. 5, 1946, eff. Nov. 25, 1946; amended November 30, 1982.)"

Facts About Right to Work

1. If you work primarily in a Right to Work state you have the right to decline joining a union and you cannot be required to pay dues or an agency fee to the union unless you choose to join the union. This includes State or Local Government employees, Public School Teachers and College Professors.

2. If your employment takes place on Federal property, there may be an exception to number (1) above. Check with your specific state.

3. All employees of the Federal Government, including Postal Service employees, by law are guaranteed the right to decline union membership. You cannot be required to pay dues or fees to a union, no matter where you work.

4. Railway and airline employees are not protected by state Right to Work laws.

Proponents of Right to Work laws point to what they say is empirical evidence that Right to Work states (mostly southern and western states) enjoy faster economic and employment growth than non-Right to Work states. (Hedding)

Opponents of Right to Work laws argue that mandatory union membership is necessary to offset the power of big business in a market economy, which is responsible for the decline in real earnings for workers and greater income inequities. They also argue that Right to Work laws give some employees a free ride, by enjoying the benefits of unionization where they work without paying the costs associated with maintaining their employment rights and benefits.

Since the 1940s, twenty-two states (and Guam) have enacted Right to Work laws. They are: Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Nebraska, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, and Wyoming.

Whether or not you agree with Right to Work laws, and whether or not you want to live in a Right to Work state, it is important to recognize that the Right to Work laws are not to be confused with the concept of Employment At Will. According to J. Steven Niznik in his article entitled, Employment at Will, "The Employment at Will doctrine means that employment is voluntary for both employees and employers. As an at-will employee, you may quit your job whenever and for whatever reason you want, usually without consequence. In turn, at-will employers may terminate you whenever and for whatever reason they want, usually without consequence."

Collective bargaining consists of negotiations between an employer and a group of employees so as to determine the conditions of employment. The result of collective bargaining procedures is a collective agreement. Employees are often represented in bargaining by a union or other labor organization. Collective bargaining is governed by federal and state statutory laws, administrative agency regulations, and judicial decisions. In areas where federal and state law overlap, state laws are preempted.

The NLRA establishes procedures for the selection of a labor organization to represent a unit of employees in collective bargaining. The act prohibits employers from interfering with this selection. The NLRA requires the employer to bargain with the appointed representative of its employees. It does not require either side to agree to a proposal or make concessions but does establish procedural guidelines on good faith bargaining. Proposals, which would violate the NLRA or other laws, may not be subject to collective bargaining. The NLRA also establishes regulations on what tactics (e.g. strikes, lock-outs, picketing) each side may employ to further their bargaining objectives.

State laws further regulate collective bargaining and make collective agreements enforceable under state law. They may also provide guidelines for those employers and employees not covered by the NLRA, such as agricultural laborers. (Cornell)

The role that Human Resource plays in collective bargaining initiatives is defined by the NLRA. The Human Resource representative must bargain with the appointed representative of its employees. The Human Resource representative acts as the voice of the company with the authority to bargain or negotiate with their employees through an appointed representative to keep the company going by avoiding a strike.

Most industries are successful due to collective bargaining while others are not. Identifying those particular industries are easy to identify due to their success in the labor market.

One industry known for heavy collective bargaining is the Auto Industry. The auto industry historically has played a prominent role in American collective bargaining, introducing many now common features -- multi-year contracts with cost-of-living adjustment escalators and built-in annual real wage increases, supplementary unemployment benefits, "30 and out" pensions, quality of working life programs, and pattern bargaining. From the early 1980s on, automotive labor relations was again in the forefront in taking actions to modify this long-established model, under pressure from both foreign and domestic competitors and from new production methods often linked to team working and related innovative human resource practices.

Another industry is the Food and Service. Plagued by problems of low wages, high cost of health care and bad working conditions, the United Food and Commercial Workers are using collective bargaining to change these conditions. Better wages, lower cost health care with the employer paying more of the amount and other bargaining might be a renewed interest in Unionization amongst other industries.

A third industry is the United Steelworkers industry. The industry has been short changed with unfair trade, retirement and benefits, healthcare, and job security. The Steelworkers industry has a great collective bargaining setup to negotiate and bargaining with their employers and the Federal Government. Recently the USW signed an agreement that would provide higher pay increases over the next three years, plus more money put aside for retirement and lower health cost for the employees and family. The USW is highly involved with collective bargaining for their employees.

I currently work in a Call Center providing financial information. Unionization in a Call Center would be hard to accomplish. Each call center has a different goal in mind based on the company's industry. Keeping competitive amongst other call centers in the same industry has proven to keep a Union out while providing the employee with what they desire.

In conclusion, collective bargaining is a successful way for workers to reach their goals concerning accept able wages, hours, and working conditions. It al lows workers to bargain as a team to satisfy their needs. Collective bargaining also allows management to negotiate efficiently with workers by bargaining with them as a group instead of with each one individually. Though traditional bargaining can be negative and adversarial, it does produce collective bargaining agreements between labor and management. Partnership bargaining can lead to increased understanding and trust between labor and management. It is a positive, cooperative approach to collective bargaining that also culminates in contracts between labor and management.

Reference:

A Glossary of Political Ecomony Terms: Right to Work Laws. Retrieved on May 21, 2007 from the Internet. http://www.auburn.edu/~johnspm/gloss/right-to-work

Byars, Lloyd L. & Rue, Leslie W. (2004). Human Resource Management (7th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.
Cascio, Wayne. (2002). Managing Human Resources (6th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.
Collective Bargaining and Labor Arbitration Overview. Retrieved on May 20, 2007 from the Internet. http://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/index.php/Collective_bargaining
Judy Hedding, Right to Work: Arizona is a Right to Work State. Retrieved on May 21, 2007 from the Internet. http://phoenix.about.com/cs/empl/a/righttowork.htm

National Labor Relations Board. Information retrieved on May 21, 2007 from the Internet. http://www.infoplease.com/ce6/bus/A0834954.html
Robert J. Donovan, Conflict and Crisis: The Presidency of Harry S. Truman, 1945-1948 (New York: Norton, 1977).
Susan M. Hartmann, Truman and the 80th Congress (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1971)

Collective Bargaining

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Malaya: The Communist Insurrection, 1948-1953 (British Documents on the End of Empire Series, Part 2) (Pt. 2)

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Robert Emmet, Irish Patriot

2011-11-11T17:12:00.001-08:00

!: Robert Emmet, Irish Patriot

Robert Emmet was born in Dublin, in 1778 into the Protestant Ascendancy. He became heavily influenced by the ideals of the French and American revolutions and became a member of the Society of the United Irishmen. From 1800 to 1802, Emmet resided on the continent with leaders of the United Irishmen who had been exiled from Ireland following the rebellion of 1798.

Emmet was involved in the Irish delegation attempting to persuade the French to ally with their cause against British rule. With the promise of aid secured, Emmet returned to Ireland in 1802 and began to prepare for insurrection and the French landing. However, a premature explosion at one of the arms depots forced him to move his plans for rebellion forward. Emmet was unable to secure the support of Michael Dwyer's rebels and the Kildare rebels turned back when they discovered the scarcity of arms available. However, undaunted, Emmet led a small band on Dublin Castle but failing to take it the rising became nothing more than a full-scale fight reserved to Thomas St. Emmet's followers seized the Lord Chief Justice and his nephew from their carriage and stabbed them to death, disillusioned with his supporter's behaviour and realising the cause was lost, Emmet fled into the Wicklow hills.

He moved back into the city to be close to his sweetheart Sarah Curran but was captured. He was tried and sentenced to death for treason. After he had been sentenced he delivered his famous Speech from the Dock which became highly influential amongst Irish republicans, it's final lines went thus: 'Let no man write my epitaph; for as no man who knows my motives dare now vindicate them, let not prejudice or ignorance, asperse them. Let them and me rest in obscurity and peace, and my tomb remain uninscribed, and my memory in oblivion, until other times and other men can do justice to my character. When my country takes her place among the nations of the earth, then and not till then, let my epitaph be written. I have done.'

Robert Emmet, Irish Patriot

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A History of Silken Thomas in Ireland

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!: A History of Silken Thomas in Ireland

In 1534, Garret Oge, Earl of Kildare and Chief Governor was summoned to England by Henry VIII. He entrusted the administration of the country to his eldest son, Thomas, Lord Offaly. On 11 June 1534, Offaly galloped into Dublin with a band of armed men each sporting a silken fringe on his jacket giving Lord Offaly the moniker of 'Silken Thomas'.

He strode into the council chamber of St. Mary's Abbey and declared that he was no longer the king's deputy but his enemy. Some accounts of this saga attribute Thomas' actions to youthful impetuosity on hearing that his father had been imprisoned in the Tower of London but others state that his father had orchestrated the whole event to indicate to Henry VIII that he could not rule Ireland without the complicity of the Earls of Kildare. Silken Thomas demanded a royal pardon for the rebellion and permission to hold the chief governorship for life. In July he attacked Dublin Castle but failed to take it and his troops were routed. He ordered the execution of Archbishop Alen at Clontarf, thus losing the support of the clergy.

His father died in London, technically making Thomas the tenth Earl of Kildare, although the Crown never recognised his title. He retreated to his Maynooth stronghold but in March 1535 this was taken by the king's representative Sir William Skeffington. Skeffington granted the survivors 'the pardon of Maynooth', which is to say that he executed them. This action was without precedent in Irish wars but it was a foretaste of what was to come. Silken Thomas had wrongly expected his insurrection to attract widespread support especially from Catholics opposed to King Henry VIII's Reformation. In July 1535, Lord Leonard Grey was appointed as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Silken realising that further resistance was futile surrendered requesting pardon for his offences. In October he was sent as a prisoner to the Tower of London, despite Grey's guarantee he was hanged, drawn and quartered with his five uncles in February 1537. This completed the downfall of the House of Kildare, from then on the viceroy was to be an Englishman and until 1922 there would always be an English army in Dublin.

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A Documented History of Gullah Jack Pritchard and the Denmark Vesey Slave Insurrection of 1822 (Studies in American History)

The Denmark Vesey slave revolt of 1822 was one of the biggest slave revolts ever planned, involving an estimated 9,000 slaves. The plot was discovered two days before the scheduled uprising. In the aftermath, over 100 slaves were arrested and 35 slaves were executed, one of which was Gullah Jack Pritchard. He recruited his fello Angolan countrymen by promising them protection with the magic charms he distributed. His cunning, persuasion and knowledge of African religion induced many to enlist in the ill-fated revolt. This work details the importance of Gullah Jack in the insurrection.

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Star Trek's Final Nemesis

2011-04-14T15:44:00.001-07:00

The notion of watching a new Star Trek film, at one time, was an enchanting one. Finding all your favourite characters up there on the screen taking on the most recent galactic challenge while telling an engrossing and enchanting story brought a sense of glee and pleasure for many a Star Trek fan, myself included. With the exception of the fifth film, all the films up to and together with "First Contact" made for some enchanting cinematic experiences. And then, right around the time that "Insurrection" came out and "Deep Space Nine" departed the air waves, something unfortunate started happening to the franchise: it became stale. It was bound to happen at some time but this was still Star Trek; the most victorious science-fiction television/film franchise ever produced. Finding it degenerate was a disappointing sense to say the least because it is more than just a franchise, it is part of our culture.

Much consider surrounds which film is worse: "Insurrection" or "Nemesis". Both are inherently weak but for very different reasons. Finally the lack of care taken with both of the stories presented in these films led to the demise of the highlight film franchise, a demise which was simultaneously reflected in the television series being produced at the time (Voyager and Enterprise). Producer Rick Berman would create the often quoted phrase, "franchise fatigue"; Star Trek had been on for too long with too many episodes and films produced and it basically had just tired itself out of ideas. There is a obvious logic to that, after all, if you keep doing the same thing over and over again, ultimately you will run out of ways to keep it fresh and original.

Coming Insurrection

For fans however, this sounded more like an excuse, and Berman, who for all intents and purposes did an perfect job of shepherding Star Trek after series creator Gene Roddenberry passed away, was becoming demonised in the fan community, along with co-Executive Producer from the television shows Brannon Braga, as the men who killed Star Trek. This is maybe short-sighted and unfair; maybe all these guys needed to do was let it go and hand the baton on to a new set of producers who could bring something new to the franchise. In some sense, this has now happened, with new Hollywood wonder boy J.J. Abrams now the new keeper flame.

Star Trek's Final Nemesis

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The Shadow Party's efforts to conceal its radical agenda behind the "moderate" pose of Hillary Clinton and other public figures.
The radical network's plan to seize power in 2008.

The final lesson of Star Trek: The Next Generation, "All Good Things..." was a brilliant finale to a great show. This episode's many achievement was in creating a sense of prospect for the new film series that was to highlight the cast of The Next Generation. The character of Q tells Captain Picard that there are greater wonders and mysteries out there in the galaxy waiting for the crew of the Starship company beyond anything they could imagine; this was all that was needed to entice any fan in to believing that The Next Generation was going on to much bigger and great things in the film series.

In many ways, the first two films of The Next Generation, "Generations" and "First Contact" do a decent job of trying to deliver on Q's promise, particularly the latter which is by far the best Next Generation film and roughly on par with the best Star Film of them all, "The Wrath of Khan". It was with great displeasure and discontentment however that the film series did an abrupt u-turn with "Insurrection", the film that in fact started turning habitancy away from the film franchise.

The median time span between Star Trek films was two years. In that time, much prospect would build for the next film. When audiences showed up en masse for "Insurrection", especially after the high-water mark set by "First Contact", they left with a bad taste in their mouth. Upon walking out of the theatre, I remember reasoning to myself, "Is that it? We waited two years for a million television episode?" And that was just the beginning of the problem; whoever had decided the film should be humorous in fact needed to be raked over the coals. Star Trek can be light-hearted, with Star Trek Iv being an obvious example. What it shouldn't be is silly and unfortunately, although a few of the laughs were genuine, most were just plain dreadful. Two excellent examples of this: the karaoke session in the shuttlecraft with Picard and Worf singing to trick Data in to capturing him, and the moment where Riker pilots the company with a joystick. In the words of Nelson from The Simpsons, "that's funny, but not ha-ha funny." In the film's defence, it still captured the heart of Star Trek and arguably went back to the core foundations of Roddenberry's trek which dealt with galactic moral dilemmas that our characters must face tied in with real-life world scenarios.

Well over two years went by before we got "Nemesis", the final Next Generation film. The build-up to this film was intriguing; the trailers seemed to suggest a film that was serious and was development an effort to grow beyond the confines of the television show by demonstrating a cinematic foresight the likes of which had not been seen before in the series. A sense of excitement was afoot again; maybe the odd-numbered film curse was right. "Insurrection" was film whole nine. "Nemesis" was whole ten. in fact they must have got it right this time?

Sadly, as far as I am concerned, "Nemesis" was worse than "Insurrection" and in ways that are not apparently obvious. If you look at this film as if it were not Star Trek, it's in fact a solid sci-fi activity adventure. However, it is Star Trek, and as such, it fails miserably because it was truly the first film which offered in fact nothing new. The story cannibalised the plots from both "The Wrath of Khan" and "The Undiscovered Country", even down to directorial timings. The characters were two-dimensional and the bad guy, although played by a talented actor, just wasn't strong enough to carry the threat of menace required by the story. When I left the theatre this time, all I notion was, "that was in fact bad..." And it was bad for no other think than it had lost the essence of what Star Trek was all about.

"Nemesis" is a representation and culmination of how the then makers of the franchise had lost sight of what made Star Trek so good in the first place. The former Star Trek took risks in its story-telling and themes. In the end with a film like "Nemesis", and as reflected in the last of the television series episodes, Star Trek had ceased taking risks and was now a formulaic commodity. Star Trek's final Nemesis it would seem was not a bald clone of Captain Picard but a lack of bold direction and initiative. Let's hope that J.J. Abrams brings a freshness and originality to the whole thing with "Star Trek Xi" because the franchise does not deserve to disappear in to oblivion like it has come dangerously close to in the past few years.

Star Trek's Final NemesisOdvarne Place # 05 - Bronson Video Clips. Duration : 4.07 Mins.

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By The Invisible Committee: The Coming Insurrection (Intervention) [Audiobook]

2011-04-03T11:08:00.001-07:00

!1: Now is the time By The Invisible Committee: The Coming Insurrection (Intervention) [Audiobook] Order Today!

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Glenn Beck's Common Sense: The Case Against an Out-of-Control Government, Inspired by Thomas Paine

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A Spectre Is Haunting Civilization: An Anarchist's Primer

2011-03-22T02:24:00.001-07:00

Karl Marx wrote in the Communist Manifesto that "a spectre is haunting Europe." It should be noted that he wrote these words on the eve of revolutionary outbreaks that began in Italy and France in 1848 and engulfed much of the Continent.

In the event no one has noticed here in America - the land of the free and Homeland of the brave - Europe is again in the midst of raging battles, threatening to spread. The fiscal emergency that started in the Usa and swept the globe, along with the sovereign debt that has been inflicted upon the Eu as a result, has ignited the passions of strangled and enslaved masses everywhere. Population have recognized their enslavement and have identified the slave-masters. And those largely capitalist regimes are no less affected (perhaps more so) than are the democratic-socialist, communist, or theocratic ones.

Coming Insurrection

What began in early 2009 with demonstrations of civil unrest as thorough as Latvia, Lithuania, Ukraine, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Poland, Germany, Hungary, Greece, Portugal, Russia and the Czech Republic, in response to diverse austerity measures implemented by the ruling elites, has broken out recently in full force in France. Much like the political protests following the Iranian elections in 2009, months of protests and road demonstrations across France have taken a more violent turn as telltale signs of an armed insurrection continue to mount. across the Atlantic, even the Canadians have put down their Labatts long enough to come to be enraged - with protests at the G-20 in Toronto that would make even a Frenchman proud; protests that have fast revealed the tyrannical underbelly of the tamest looking of political beasts.

A Spectre Is Haunting Civilization: An Anarchist's Primer

!1: Now is the time The Shadow Party: How George Soros, Hillary Clinton, and Sixties Radicals Seized Control of the Democratic Party Order Today!

Nice Design by :Over All Rating Reviews : Great Deal : $6.84Date Created :Mar 22, 2011 12:24:23

The Shadow Party's plan to rewrite the US Constitution.
How the Shadow Party overthrows foreign governments--and why it may attempt to use the same methods here.
The vast network of private think tanks, foundations, unions, stealth PACs, and other front groups through which the Shadow Party operates in America.
The network's voluminous contributions to the Democrats, which totaled more than 0 million in the 2004 elections, and its growing influence over the party's message and policy.
The politicians on both sides of the aisle who have exchanged political favors with George Soros and his "government-in-the-wings."
The Shadow Party's efforts to conceal its radical agenda behind the "moderate" pose of Hillary Clinton and other public figures.
The radical network's plan to seize power in 2008.

Of course, the American working class is still staring at the shadows cast upon the walls of its cave - or is that 'its prison' - believing what it is told by its owners and trainers..."that all is right with the world... Just keep your head down, work hard, and join the party" (or possibly the Tea Party). And political hucksters, like Mr. Obama, reassuringly tell us "Yes We Can" survive this emergency and continue to participate in the American Dream (if only we do as the big boys tell us). It is as if, just like in that great children's story the Wizard of Oz, the man behind the curtain is imploring us to just ignore what is evidently before our eyes. He tells us that our world is intact and will continue to prosper. And we dutifully listen, willingly refusing to see what is graphically before us. Instead we keep our backs turned, favorably watching the pretty shadows cast upon the wall by talented puppet masters - like the Koch brothers - in our shadowbox theatre.

Yet the less illusioned among us can no longer afford to ignore the mounting visceral evidence. The show is rapidly advent to an end, and most probably an inglorious one at that. What, with the near total destruction of our biosphere, peak oil, peak water, the crises in economic and financial systems worldwide, political unrest abroad and ostensibly in the homeland, signs of immanent collapse are plentiful.

But even our European brethren do not understand the magnitude of this seismic event. It is neither a fiscal nor an economic problem; it is not a matter of having the wrong political leadership, nor an issue of confused or misguided communal priorities. It is a crack in the scaffolding of the theatre of the Spectacle that began with the advent of history, of civilization. It is the endgame of a cultural mal-adaptation that has pathologically sought artifices of manipulation and control at all costs.

As Thomas Hobbes proleptically, but unwittingly, stated centuries ago...this will be a "Warre of all against all." But it will not be the war he mistakenly assumed would have ensued had it not been for the establishment of civil society. It is not the barbaric war he imagined would have occurred among our pre-civilized ancestors had it not been for our constituting the communal contract. Rather, it is a war resulting from that very contract, and from the subsequent momentum that has driven civilization for these last six thousand years of recorded history, grounded in such cold and calculating thinking.

Of course, the spectre Marx was referring to above is Communism; his contention was that it would and should be the final stage in the dialectical movement of history to a civil, but classless, society. But he was mistaken. That experiment didn't work out so well either. The real "spectre" or ghostly apparition among us now is a natural reflection of the unpleasantness of commercial civilization itself - and the systems of hierarchy and domination it has devised and perfected, largely based upon the syllogism, and the logic it entails. This is the logic of objective science, the principle of our legal systems, the rationality behind our communal contracts, the anonymity of our civil politics, and the article framework of history itself. It is a logic binding us to those hierarchies that have eventually worked to empty the world of all its resources and life, of all its significance, leaving instead impersonal systems to control and manage all logistical affairs, human or natural. It is the requisite culmination of six thousand years of unnatural human history that began with the first urban empires emerging in and around the Fertile Crescent and the Persian Gulf.

What Population anywhere may be sensing about this unpleasantness is that they too have come to be emptied parts of emptying hierarchical wholes (institutions) - an emptiness stated most baldly in the following formulation: If A=B, and B=C, then A=C. Here a universal statement is linked to a single to yield a logical conclusion. Whether to control nature or our fellow humans, in this view all parts of the theory come to be interchangeable commodities in the logic of control. Herein lie the underpinning of our emptiness and our sense of alienation from one another, from nature, and from ourselves. In seeking remediation for this unpleasantness, we the Population have sought to procure other commodities to make us feel whole - televisions, cars, Laptops, and smart phones. And when the price of proprietary became too high, the guys in payment broke out the cheap stuff, and gave us Wal-Mart, so we might again feel as though we are part of the party. But we may be discovering that flashy cars and big screen televisions do not make us happy.

America, as we know, is the most rational of all modern, civilized societies. We have more science and technology, more lawyers and laws, more prisons and prisoners than any other country on the planet; we have more money managers and swindlers, more productivity, more psychopathology, and more lone terrorists acting out against whatever they comprehend as an injustice in their world. And yet we keep marching level ahead to the precipice. We are a nation of laws, not a society of persons - and we are committed to the syllogism as no other. There is no dignity in our enslavement; we have come to be the emptiest of souls.

What is haunting the globe today is the spectre of a primitive anarchism, a feral tendency buried deep within the marrow and musculature of the human species - an instinct to live covering the constraints artfully but coldly constructed by hierarchical institutions of domination that have been enslaving the planet for six millennia now. It craves freedom from the "blind justice" of those "impartial" laws resting upon an assumption of total anonymity, looking a more primal morality in the real relations that procure between Population with some bonds of kinship or consanguinity, and the deeper respect and comprehension that comes from living within close proximity, physically and psychologically, to one another.

It is anarchic in the truest sense of the word. It seeks to be leaderless not merely in the political sphere, but free as well from the tyrannical hegemony imposed by the civilizing logic of syllogistic thinking itself. It seeks freedom in the polysemy of the sensuous, of the body - not the body politic. The spectre is real, and it is upon us. It is loose and has a will of its own - as fearful as it seems to myself or to others. And it will not end casually or syllogistically. Through escape, Through lawlessness perhaps, it will end, naturally.

A Spectre Is Haunting Civilization: An Anarchist's Primer§ 8 Video Clips. Duration : 0.58 Mins.

On the war-torn planets of tomorrow, mankind is the greatest battle can begin. With its frontier colonies devastated by a growing insurgency, turned earth replaced by its premier unit of infantry weapons repel the assault to come. Known to their peers in § 8, spearheads this elite units of the almost suicidal missions required to break enemy lines. Shielded by their advanced armor, these soldiers launch directly into the battle of orbital landing ships.

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We live appetite to advance communism and anarchy ...

2011-03-17T09:00:00.001-07:00

We live appetite to advance communism and anarchy ... Tube. Duration : 3.50 Mins.

We want to live and spread communism anarchy ... A promotional video for the infamous new book, "The Revolt from" by the mysterious invisible committee wrote. With everyone's favorite right wing crazy Glenn Beck!

Tags: the coming insurrection, anarchy, communism, glenn beck, tarnac 9, invisible committee, riots, violence, social war, war machine

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Eclipse Written by Richard North Patterson

2011-03-12T23:56:00.001-08:00

I felt like I was reading a current history book while thoroughly enjoying Eclipse. For the world's glut of oil usage, the nation of Luandia was in the forefront. The fictional nation could be any one of many nations in our world today enduring the struggles of the many against the so very few in a battle to exist while fighting an oil corporation along with corrupt leaders of several factions trying to operate both the oil and the people any and every way possible.

Bobby Okari was a resistance fighter who tried to rid the evil peacefully but the soldiery were too strong against him causing more death to natives and even Bobby's own father by beheading. Bobby met lawyer Damon Pierce when visiting the United States with his wife, Marissa, as Bobby attempted to get Damon to help his fight in Luandia. When, several years later, Bobby's community was attacked as he spoke to his people, Bobby was captured and was forced to watch all his people being killed after torture, rape, and the burning of the whole village. His wife was let go free with the brutal attackers knowing she would not leave the nation with Bobby being in prison.

Coming Insurrection

Of policy no one would admit to the killings and torture but all the blame was located on Bobby Okari when three employees of the Pgl Oil business ware hung in front of everyone. Was Bobby to blame for any of this? Damon Pierce was contacted and asked to help Bobby's cause by arrival to Luandia and taking over as defense lawyer for Bobby. eventually after researching the whole matter as far as could be obtained, Damon did go to Luandia. He could see the sad state of affairs of the nation as he entered the areas controlled by the tyrants. No one had any free time of speech or movement without the government stopping and resisting their actions.

Eclipse Written by Richard North Patterson

!1: Now is the time The Call (l'appel) Order Today!

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The youth are waiting, day after day. They wait for their time; as do the workers, even the old. They all wait, those who are discontented and those who reflect. They are waiting for a force to arise, something they will be part of; a new kind of international that will not make the same mistakes as the previous ones. The wait for a chance to get rid of the past once and for all - for something new to begin. WE HAVE BEGUN

Damon had made a personal connection with Bobby's wife, Marissa, when he had met Bobby and her in the United States. Of policy Damon would do what he could for both Bobby and Marissa. The struggles he had with the soldiery leadership of Luandia, the Pgl Oil Company, and interacting government officials and agencies became one of enduring misery with dinky law being used in the nation and much torture and hatred. Bobby was kept in a small cell, unlit much of the time, living in his own excrement and filth. He was given a pail for his physical functions and the stench was unbearable as Damon discovered when he was finally allowed to visit Bobby in prison.

Damon made several trips to other areas of Luandia as well as to the United States to gawk any added data he could use as Bobby's lawyer in a trial so rigged that justice seemed impossible. Damon had a few friends of Bobby's seek him out and helped him with data and voyage to areas to find other witnesses that might or might not show when asked to for a trial. These friends did all they secretly could to get Damon to assorted areas of information. The soldiers were everywhere and made it very hard to leave those trailing whatever Damon contacted. Everything had to be very sneaky and hushed.

Damon worked the nations leaders and the head of the oil business for as much detail he could learn but again, the data was hard or impossible to come by. When the trial finally came about, three judges ran the show, all of which were under the soldiery governments control. One of the "judges" had never done any law work but he was there for show. The trial was very intriguing and educational for the reader. While Luandia is fictional, the happenings in Eclipse were modeled very intimately to other actual uprisings that occurred in history not too many years ago. Richard North Patterson is an attorney and he researched the story very well and brought to us, the readers, a story that we can very well reveal to in today's world. A very thrilling and riveting story.

Eclipse Written by Richard North PattersonReal reasons why the Middle East Hates Us! Glenn Beck Video Clips. Duration : 2.53 Mins.

From Glenn Beck Show: Why the Middle East Hates Us!

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The Ugandan Anti-Gay Movement - An pathology of Evangelical Christian Ethics

2011-03-08T16:28:00.001-08:00

As reported in Harper's magazine and The New York Times, the world is reeling from political processes taking place in Uganda-namely the persecution of lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, and transgender (Lgbt) peoples. The anti-gay movement has strengthened over the last year, creating a rift in the middle of humanity and piousness. Uganda's parliament passed a formal ban on Lgbt practices-known as the Anti-Homosexuality Bill-and, straight through the creation of a witch trial-type tableau, also forces citizens to turn in any known offender (a.k.a. - homosexuals). In addition, the law is just one single implement for the persecution of Lgbt peoples; if a person is not arrested first, they might be subjected to beatings, harassment, lynching, or even "corrective rape" by a mob of the law's supporters. Whether way, the Ugandan parliament has made it abundantly clear that the Lgbt society is not welcome. Lgbt groups are also given the same medicine in some Islamic countries, with the exiguous difference being that Uganda is populated by Evangelical Christians. But which came first? the religious zeal or the hatred? the chicken or the egg? agreeing to the many articles relating the atrocities, both happened almost simultaneously. In Jeff Sharlett's article "Straight Man's Burden," he points to the highly influential evangelicals' spreading of a hateful message against gays, asserting that gays and lesbians can be cured straight through faith. In the New York Times article "Americans' Role Seen in Uganda Anti-Gay Push," Ugandans in reputable positions

listened raptly to the Americans, who were presented as experts on homosexuality. The visitors discussed how to make gay population straight, how gay men often sodomized youthful boys and how "the gay movement is an evil institution" whose goal is "to defeat the marriage-based society and replace it with a culture of sexual promiscuity" (Gettleman).

Coming Insurrection

Among these experts were Scott Lively, Caleb Lee Brundidge (a "cured" ex-gay man), and Don Schmeirer-all of whom admonished homosexual practices, supporting their claim that homosexuality destroys the family and marriage and also puts children in harm's way.

The Ugandan Anti-Gay Movement - An pathology of Evangelical Christian Ethics

!1: Now is the time Rules for Radicals Order Today!

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This primers tells the "have-nots" how they can organize to achieve real political power for the practice of true democracy.

What we have seen in Uganda since its passing of the anti-gay legislation on October 14, 2009, is a reflection of American conservative insurrection in the U.S. As Sharlet mentions, "American fundamentalists have looked on Uganda as a laboratory for theocracy, though most prefer such terms as 'government led by God.'... It is a superior fundamentalist maneuver: move a fight you can't win in the center to the margins, then broadcast the results back home" (Sharlet). Although these Christian advocates denounce the death penalty for gays, they do instead withhold a "cure." But does the cure work, or is this another term for brainwashing straight through group and peer pressure within the evangelical organization? The American Christian fundamentalists that went to Uganda recounted rumors in an hyperbolic fashion in order to shock and awe their dumbstruck audience, the stories linked were those pertaining to the abduction of children into a sex-depraved homosexual groups, forced sodomy, et al. These stories were somewhat similar to the stories I heard as a boy in a Southern Baptist church. The stories are meant to gravitate towards the morally righteous although offering no needful evidence other than hear-say stories brought to them from anonymous sources. This is one of the roots of the problem within the Christian conservative mentality: unsupported accusations.

At an early age, children lie and try to get themselves out of trouble. Often they fail. But children are also subjected to amazing tales including the Easter bunny and Santa Claus. Parents sometimes tell their children about inexpressive fears to keep them from wandering too far off (e.g. - person will get you if you don't stay close by). But the fear and anxiety follows children surface of the realm of the fantastic. Adolescents brought into faith are often subjected to the arbitrary morals of Christian fiction. These stories are often equivocal to the Big Bad Wolf waiting to do horrible things to exiguous Red Riding Hood, but with a dreadfully realistic spin. Stories are often told to narrate history or narrate a message, and these stories are often altered or changed as they are passed from ear to ear. Stories throughout human history range from the heroic to the comic, from fictional to realistic. This is a part of who we are as humans. But civilization and the written word has evolved into a more calculable rhythm. We cannot deduce facts from a story unless we have an origin. If we claim to be the author of a factual tale, we must pursue evidence then narrate specifics until the story is accompanied with tedious details, commentary and trusted sources. Although the exertion is scrupulous and separates the unfounded from the truth, it is a trivial labor for most people. The author of fiction has a right to his imagination, twisting truth, altering the laws of physics and muddling facts, but a fact-teller (for lack of good words) must bind to the same examination that scientists are subjected to. But there are a few story-tellers that have crossed the threshold in the middle of the two realms of fact and fiction-incorporating both-with a deceptive agenda. These few Christian Evangelicals skew information transferred to them and yield semi-factual arguments to withhold their claims; their pursuit is clear: originate a fantastical inventory to ruin a group or club deemed unacceptable to their single brand of virtue.

What we see in Uganda is the fringe element of the conservative Christian Evangelical movement. The perpetrators planted a seed of hatred and tempered it with a flavor of embroidery that outweighs the moral message. These single zealots are not preaching the gospel in Uganda; they are spreading contempt for a single group of people-reminiscent to that of a Ku Klux Klan rally. Their withhold in Uganda (no matter their protests against the death penalty for homosexuality) is tacit approval for the violence and rape forced upon lesbians and gays. The American evangelical movement shows lenience for these atrocities by association. Their goal is to circumnavigate science, justice and law with a puppet performance, documenting their psychotic "value" initiative, and their alternate schedule to prove that theocracy is a benefit to the woes of America's governmental framework. Their unchecked, gratuitous anecdotes will continue their scandalous infamy in other nations if it is not first scrutinized by an arguing demographic at its source.

The Ugandan Anti-Gay Movement - An pathology of Evangelical Christian EthicsThe next revolt-1 Video Clips. Duration : 9.95 Mins.

And the rest on Ning: anatta.ning.com www.amazon.com buy do not talk to me. Not a great read but it costs so laments STFU;)

Keywords: the, coming, insurrection, french, greek, anarchist, communist, capitalist, squatters, rebellion

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[THE COMING INSURRECTION]The Coming Insurrection By Invisible Committee(Author)Paperback On 01 Aug 2009)

2011-03-04T09:00:00.001-08:00

!1: Now is the time [THE COMING INSURRECTION]The Coming Insurrection By Invisible Committee(Author)Paperback On 01 Aug 2009) Order Today!

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George Washington's Sacred Fire

2010-11-07T20:57:00.001-08:00

!1: Now is the time George Washington's Sacred Fire Order Today!

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Date Created :
Nov 07, 2010 22:57:12

What sets "George Washington's Sacred Fire" apart from all previous works on this man for the ages, is the exhaustive fifteen years of Dr. Peter Lillback's research, revealing a unique icon driven by the highest of ideals. Only do George Washington's own writings, journals, letters, manuscripts, and those of his closest family and confidants reveal the truth of this awe-inspiring role model for all generations. Dr. Lillback paints a picture of a man, who, faced with unprecedented challenges and circumstances, ultimately drew upon his persistent qualities of character - honesty, justice, equity, perseverence, piety, forgiveness, humility, and servant leadership, to become one of the most revered figures in world history. George Washington set the cornerstone for what would become one of the most prosperous, free nations in the history of civilization. Through this book, Dr. Lillback, assisted by Jerry Newcombe, will reveal to the reader a newly inspirational image of General and President George Washington.

!1: Best Buy Every American needs to read George Washington's Sacred Fire for a true understanding on the beginnings of our nation and how truly a historic moment in time this was. Showing the "Providence of God" in the start up of this new country and the man who was chosen to lead us all.

Get in touch with the language of the day, the honor and principles expected and know how George Washington was absolutely the best possible choice of men ever to lead a nation. I doubt any man/or woman has since measured up in honor, faith, and respect of a people. on Sale!

Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism (American Intellectual Culture)

2010-10-27T02:42:00.001-07:00

!1: Now is the time Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism (American Intellectual Culture) Order Today!

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Woodrow Wilson is best known for his service as the 28th president of the United States and his influence on American foreign policy in the 20th century and beyond. Yet Wilson is equally important for his influence on how Americans think about their Constitution and principles of government. Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism highlights Wilson's sharp departure from the traditional principles of American government, most notably the Constitution. Ronald J. Pestritto persuasively argues that Wilson's unfailing criticism places him clearly in line with the Progressives' assault on the original principles of American constitutionalism. Drawing primarily from early writings and speeches that Wilson made during his years as a scholar, Pestritto examines the future president's clear and consistent ideologies that laid the foundation for later actions taken as a public leader. Engaging and thought-provoking, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism gets to the heart of Wilson's political ideologies and brings a fresh perspective to the study of American political development.

!1: Best Buy This well researched, thoroughly documented, and scholarly work is based largely on the lecture notes, essays, speeches, books, and other writings of Woodrow Wilson, fashioned over a period of some thirty years; and to a lesser extent on Wilson's actions as governor of New Jersey (1911-13) and as president of the United States (1913-1921). The book doesn't present the author's interpretation of Wilson's political philosophy as much as it lets Wilson explain himself in his own words. This allows the book's reader to see Wilson for what he really was --- the ultimate "Progressive" (today's Liberal) --- and, for good or ill, the man largely responsible for the United States being so far removed from the principles upon which the nation was founded and for having created the political system we have in America today.

The following is a brief sampling of the things a reader may be surprised to learn about Woodrow Wilson by studying this book.

Woodrow Wilson didn't believe that America's founders could presume to divine from nature the universal principles of a just government, and, to some extent, he even saw the Declaration of Independence as being "un-American." Neither did he believe that man had "natural" or "unalienable" rights as did America's founders, or that in his more "modern times" the public had any reason to fear the unlimited power of an unfettered government --- reasoning that since the government was there to implement the "organic" public will, and, with a united "State," everyone would be in agreement as to what that public will was. Wilson contended that the founders' view of liberty was impeding the freedom of majorities to use the power of government as they saw fit.

With this in mind, Wilson's primary aim became one of distancing the nation from the constitutionalism of 1787; a task to which he devoted much of his life. In his writings, for example, he opposed the separation of powers (executive, legislative, and judiciary) on the grounds that it was an inefficient form of government. The United States Constitution, he claimed, should not be construed as having a fixed meaning, but, rather, must be interpreted to mean whatever the times required it to mean. He felt that if the times demanded something, the Constitution had to be interpreted to allow for it. The judiciary, therefore, had to be politicized in order for it to become an instrument of progress. To achieve this end: he argued for an "activist judiciary" partnered with a charismatic and forceful president, and a professional bureaucracy sheltered from politics, the cares of this world, and the influence of the public; the bureaucracy to perform many of the legislative functions of Congress. He called for Congress to abandon its Constitutionally mandated function of legislating, leaving that responsibility to the "experts" in the bureaucracy, and to concentrate instead on broad oversight, emphasizing that Congress must actually cease considering itself as part of "the government."

Wilson was well aware that his "modern" government ran counter to the Constitution. As a result, he also saw the need for an external organization voluntarily formed and independent of the law (the Constitution) the object of which would be to bind the actions of the three branches of government more closely together. He saw this as being the function of the two political parties. Finally, he urged that rather than studying the American Constitution's forms or ideas, one should instead study the history of the development of the American "State."

Wilson shared the Progressive conviction that the national government should be used as an active instrument of social progress through the exercise of its regulatory powers. He also contended that socialism is much closer to his idea of true democracy than is any notion of government that attempts to limit the power of the state by protecting the sphere of individual rights.

This is an interesting book about a man that I hold in very low esteem. It is, however, easier to judge the book than it is to judge the subject of the book. I say that because in reading it I found myself much like a goldfish trying to understand what it would be like with a different kind of water. We have simply been so immersed for so long in the political system that Woodrow Wilson largely created that it is difficult to discern what it would be like to live in the system as it was originally intended to be. It seems to me, however, that early in life Woodrow Wilson accepted a number of false premises and then fabricated a governmental structure to fit them. Contrary to Wilson's views, I for one believe that: 1) human nature doesn't change and certainly doesn't improve with time; 2) the populace has every right to fear an unfettered, all powerful, government (Remember Nazi Germany and the USSR?); 3) political leaders are not idealized perfect people, as Wilson clearly envisioned them to be, and they cannot be relied upon to have no personal agendas or to necessarily be responsive to the will of the people (Remember Barack Obama, Nancy Pelosi, and ObamaCare?); 4) a hidden and sheltered bureaucracy can not be construed as always, if ever, being responsive to the will of the people; and 5) if the United States is to be a "nation of laws," as we claim to be, the judiciary must be apolitical, and must enforce the law, including the Constitution, and must not legislate from the bench.

If Woodrow Wilson's political views, as expressed in this book, strike a familiar though discordant chord with you: You'll likely agree that Wilson and his fellow "Progressives" (aka Liberals) have managed to sell the American people to the Liberal Elite and have now shipped us on down the river. God help us!
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The Federalist Papers (Signet Classics)

2010-10-15T04:45:00.001-07:00

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The documents thatshaped a nation.

Three of the founding fathers brilliantly defend their revolutionary charter: the Constitution of the United States, a milestone in political science and a classic of American history.

!1: Best Buy I just want to say I am another person who has several editions of the 'Papers' and strongly believe that this is definitely the preferred one for study. Having read some of the other customer reviews, I think they have pretty much covered what makes this such a good edition. As I like this edition so much and use it regularly, I just wanted to boost the total number of positive 5 star ratings. Buy this one. I also recommend a good historical account of the writing of the 'Papers'.Libertys Blueprint: How Madison and Hamilton Wrote The Federalist, Defined the Constitution, and Made Democracy Safe for the World on Sale!

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Samuel Adams: A Life

2010-10-03T01:00:00.001-07:00

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In this stirring biography, Samuel Adams joins the first tier of founding fathers, a rank he has long deserved. With eloquence equal to that of Thomas Jefferson and Tom Paine, and with a passionate love of God, Adams helped ignite the flame of liberty and made sure it glowed even during the Revolution's darkest hours. He was, as Jefferson later observed, "truly the man of the Revolution."

In a role that many Americans have not fully appreciated until now, Adams played a pivotal role in the events leading up to the bloody confrontation with the British. Believing that God had willed a free American nation, he was among the first patriot leaders to call for independence from England. He was ever the man of action: He saw the opportunity to stir things up after the Boston Massacre and helped plan and instigate the Boston Tea Party, though he did not actually participate in it. A fiery newspaper editor, he railed ceaselessly against "taxation without representation."

In a relentless blizzard of articles and speeches, Adams, a man of New England, argued the urgency of revolution. When the top British general in America, Thomas Gage, offered a general amnesty in June 1775 to all revolutionaries who would lay down their arms, he excepted only two men, John Hancock and Samuel Adams: These two were destined for the gallows. It was this pair, author Ira Stoll argues, whom the British were pursuing in their fateful march on Lexington and Concord.

In the tradition of David McCullough's John Adams, Joseph Ellis's The Founding Brothers, and Walter Isaacson's Benjamin Franklin, Ira Stoll's Samuel Adams vividly re-creates a world of ideas and action, reminding us that none of these men of courage knew what we know today: that they would prevail and make history anew.

The idea that especially inspired Adams was religious in nature: He believed that God had intervened on behalf of the United States and would do so as long asits citizens maintained civic virtue. "We shall never be abandoned by Heaven while we act worthy of its aid and protection," Adams insisted. A central thesis of this biography is that religion in large part motivated the founding of America.

A gifted young historian and newspaperman, Ira Stoll has written a gripping story about the man who was the revolution's moral conscience. Sure to be discussed widely, this book reminds us who Samuel Adams was, why he has been slighted by history, and why he must be remembered.

!1: Best Buy This book gives a good understanding of the sacrifice of the Founding Fathers in taking a stand for Liberty and Justice. Well written, but a little difficult to read the old english spelling and grammar. I would highly recommend this book to get a better understanding of our history and make us realize that it was not easy to found a new nation with the principles and values that our country has. It is evident that God's hand was on Samuel Adams and his cohorts. on Sale!

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Rules for Radicals

2010-09-21T04:51:00.001-07:00

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This primers tells the "have-nots" how they can organize to achieve real political power for the practice of true democracy.

!1: Best Buy Back in The Day, I read this book. Now, while people question the value of organizing, and denigrate the accomplishments of people like Alinsky, I think a little history is in order. Alinsky, along with Cesar Chavez and others, were very important in the success of the United Farm Workers. Before the UFW, the farmworkers were not provided with toilet facilities as they went about their 'stoop labor' - which means that the fields where our food is grown WAS the toilet, with all the health problems and humiliation that implies. They also weren't provided with free water, necessarily, and the owners or work gang bosses could charge whatever they wanted to for water. So along came these crazy, horrible, 'anti-American' radicals and taught them how to organize and struggled along with them, and eventually things changed. Not enough, maybe. But children no longer work in the fields, as far as I know, and they make at least minimum wage. But best of all, when I travel the length of California, through the vast agricultural areas, I see the bent-over people toiling still, but now, alongside the work gang there is a truck, with portable bathrooms, and clean, cold water, and when I see that, something in me gives a little cheer. THANK YOU CESAR! THANK YOU SAUL ALINSKY! And the hell with name-callers and nit-pickers and anyone who has never seen a day's hard work in the sun without the slightest kindness or acknowledgement of the workers' humanity. on Sale!

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The Road to Serfdom: Text and Documents--The Definitive Edition (The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek, Volume 2)

2010-09-08T04:00:00.001-07:00

!1: Now is the time The Road to Serfdom: Text and Documents--The Definitive Edition (The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek, Volume 2) Order Today!

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An unimpeachable classic work in political philosophy, intellectual and cultural history, and economics, The Road to Serfdom has inspired and infuriated politicians, scholars, and general readers for half a century. Originally published in 1944—when Eleanor Roosevelt supported the efforts of Stalin, and Albert Einstein subscribed lock, stock, and barrel to the socialist program—The Road to Serfdom was seen as heretical for its passionate warning against the dangers of state control over the means of production. For F. A. Hayek, the collectivist idea of empowering government with increasing economic control would lead not to a utopia but to the horrors of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.

First published by the University of Chicago Press on September 18, 1944, The Road to Serfdom garnered immediate, widespread attention. The first printing of 2,000 copies was exhausted instantly, and within six months more than 30,000 books were sold. In April 1945, Reader’s Digest published a condensed version of the book, and soon thereafter the Book-of-the-Month Club distributed this edition to more than 600,000 readers. A perennial best seller, the book has sold 400,000 copies in the United States alone and has been translated into more than twenty languages, along the way becoming one of the most important and influential books of the century.

With this new edition, The Road to Serfdom takes its place in the series The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek. The volume includes a foreword by series editor and leading Hayek scholar Bruce Caldwell explaining the book's origins and publishing history and assessing common misinterpretations of Hayek's thought. Caldwell has also standardized and corrected Hayek's references and added helpful new explanatory notes. Supplemented with an appendix of related materials ranging from prepublication reports on the initial manuscript to forewords to earlier editions by John Chamberlain, Milton Friedman, and Hayek himself, this new edition of The Road to Serfdom will be the definitive version of Friedrich Hayek's enduring masterwork.

!1: Best Buy This review is of the unabridged audio version, but the my feelings on the work as a whole applies to the audio and printed versions.

Hayek has been placed on a lofty perch by people that I don't think actually read or understood this book. The Road to Serfdom is one of the most logically thought out and presented arguments against planned economies I have ever heard by a long shot. Friedrich Hayek can't hide his age or German heritage with his older, turn of the century writing style, but is still accessible to anyone with a High School reading comprehension level (something in short supply these days) and a good understanding of European history. I enjoyed his unemotional, serious, and analytical approach to something that today can't be discussed without sarcastic vitriol. Being a German who later moved to England he was uniquely qualified to discuss the subject as he had first hand experience with the clash of political ideas that defined the first half of the Twentieth Century.

What I enjoyed about this book the most is that I thought it was going to be one thing but it turned out to be something very different.
1.) This isn't a book about economic theory. Hayek supposes that the reader understands the difference between free markets, controlled markets, Capitalism, Socialism, and Communism. What the book is really about is the political and social conditions that go hand in hand with these theories. His assertion is that controlled, or planned, economies ultimately rely on the subverting of personal freedoms and the subjugation of liberty to work. Then he actually EXPLAINS WHY! Using history instead of hysterics he methodically lays out how even well meaning Utopian socialism can lead to totalitarian fascism.
2.) From the outset of the book the author, like Milton Friedman, defines the idea of what a "classic liberal" is. He does this, not only because "liberal" is the proper nomenclature for ideologies like Capitalism, democracy, freedom of speech, etc; but because he says, right in the Forward, that he DOESN'T LIKE CONSERVATIVES. He says he finds them backwards and too interested in "mystical" things. Later, he also defends regulation by government as necessary for creating a stable environment within which free markets can grow and succeed. More than once he objects to complete laissez faire.
3.) Unlike Milton Friedman, in Hayek's work I found an absence of the categorical distrust of government that is indicative of "conservative" literature. Hayek of course champions free market capitalism , as well as democracy and independence of thought, but in a way that avoids emotion soaked nationalism. Which seems fitting since he illustrates how easily out of control nationalism also leads to fascism.
4.) Hayek is a humble person with a great intellect that allows him to explain a subject. He doesn't badger the reader with self aggrandizing proclamations that he knows "the truth" or that his work is going to save the world from a grave calamity that is just around the corner. He is eloquent, informed, and persuasive in an educated way that makes theatrics unnecessary. Next to the merits of his arguments, I find the method of his argumentation to be just as important.

I would rank this work up there with Common Sense and the Federalist Papers as important books to read; and like the Federalist Papers or the Christian Bible as a work that is far to often referenced to by people that don't seem to have grasped the work as a whole. on Sale!

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Reveille for Radicals

2010-08-25T08:00:00.001-07:00

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First published in 1946 and updated in 1969 with a new Introduction and Afterword, this volume represents the fullest statement of the political philosophy and practical methodology of one of the most important figures in the history of American radicalism. Like Thomas Paine before him, Saul Alinsky, through the concept and practice of community organizing, was able to embody for his era both the urgency of radical political action and the imperative of rational political discourse. His work and writing bequeathed a new method and style of social change to American communities that will remain a permanent part of the American political landscape.

"Alinsky is that rarity in American life, a superlative organizer, strategist, and tactician who is also a social philosopher."

-- Charles E. Silberman

"He cannot be bought; he cannot be intimidated; and he breaks all the rules."

-- The Economist

(London)

"I consider him to be one of the few really great men of our century."

-- Jacques Maritain

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±1±: Best Buy If Saul Alinsky had never existed or had chosen to write insipid romance novels instead of cookbooks for the destruction of rational civilization, control freaks like Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton -- Alinsky's most notably enduring protégés -- would have pursued their evil paths to power no less feverishly than they have (though possibly with slightly less success).

Alinsky is dead and can no longer ply his malevolent means to his disastrous ends, but Obama and Clinton are still very much alive and still very much in hot pursuit of theirs, adhering religiously to The Alinsky Model.

Obama and his Alinsky-taught, Chicago-style, machine-politics thugs must be defeated in November, and Hillary Clinton must NEVER be elected president (her husband was corrupt enough). Familiarity with Alinsky's manuals for radicals, which detail how Clinton, Obama and their minions think and what motivates their actions, can point the way to that defeat.

Anyone who cares about the future of America must own and study both "Reveille for Radicals" and "Rules for Radicals."

Entrenched Marxist/socialists/communists like Obama and the Clintons must be driven forever from American politics if this republic is to survive as the Founders envisioned it. on Sale!

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Follow Me to Freedom: Leading As an Ordinary Radical

2010-08-12T20:57:00.001-07:00

±1±: Now is the time Follow Me to Freedom: Leading As an Ordinary Radical Order Today!

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Re-imagine Leading and Following in a World Longing for True Justice, Compassion and Freedom Followers of Christ yearn to see the world changed in compassionate, positive, effective ways. As prophetic voices, Shane Claiborne and John Perkins lead the way in this move to be the hands, feet and heart of Jesus. One is young, a self proclaimed reformed redneck who grew up in the hills of Tennessee and now lives in inner city Philadelphia and the other is decades older, an African-American civil rights leader who was almost beaten to death by police in Mississippi, and went on to found a reconciliation movement and counsel three American presidents. Claiborne and Perkins draw on more than a century of combined following and learning, activating and leading. Together they craft a timely message for ordinary people willing to take radical steps to see real change happen. In Follow Me to Freedom, Claiborne and Perkins lead the way toward justice for all, unfolding a proven strategy as ancient as the patriarchs of faith and as fresh as the needs of every human heart. Starting with Moses as a model, they re-imagine leading and following in a world desperate for true social justice, compassion and freedom. They offer practical ways to internalize and live out God’s promise of freedom in the twenty-first century. Followers of Christ will not only be inspired but also catalyzed into action, and the world will never be the same.

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±1±: Best Buy John Perkins and Shane Claiborne are two of my heroes. Well-known social activists, they are also modern-day prophets. John is an African-American Christian who was active in the civil-rights movement, later founding the Christian Community Development Association (CCDA). Shane has been described as a contemporary John the Baptist--right down to the scraggly hair, home-made clothes, and radical lifestyle. Both men, following the great Biblical prophets, call people to repent, love the poor, and embrace a life of simplicity. Their faith isn't merely an interior piety, but is embodied through compassionate, radical lifestyles.

John and Shane have dialogued about leadership and social justice over the years, and this eventually led to the publication of "Follow Me to Freedom" (Regal Books, 214 pages, paperback). Social justice and leadership are the book's main themes, but the content isn't somber as those subjects may seem. Reading John and Shane's dialogues is like sitting on the front porch with two close friends, rather than listening to a lecture in a sterile classroom. The tone is informal, as jokes are cracked throughout the pages.

This light tone helps balance the book's difficult message. Encouragement to "love as Jesus loves" often leads to guilt, but Shane and John avoid condemnation. Instead of decrying your current lifestyle, they present an alluring vision for what it could be. In their discussions they guide you toward a radical lifestyle through fascination.

The dialogue in "Follow Me to Freedom" is mainly practical, although there is some theology and history scattered throughout. John and Shane don't just tell you how to live; they show you through their stories. Like any good conversation, this book is filled with anecdotes describing the ups and downs of each man's journey. From arrests for civil disobedience, to living in intentional community, John and Shane describe many wild tales.

"Follow Me to Freedom" is split into eighteen conversations, each conversation revolving around a particular topic. Two of my favorite discussions revolve around the lure of power and the necessity of humility. Even a leader pursuing a good cause can succumb to power's allure, so humility is a necessity. John and Shane explain how leading and following as an ordinary radical aren't the means toward glory, but the result of humble obedience toward God.

I also appreciated the book's advice aimed at younger social justice leaders. A half-century after the civil-rights struggles of the 1960's, John notes the need for "new Moses's" to rise up from within the young-adult generation to lead a "new Exodus".

While this particular advice resonated within me, I think it may also contain my one misgiving with the book. "Follow Me to Freedom" seems aimed at such a small, distinct audience. I think 20-and-30-something Christians already passionate about social justice will love this book, but I question whether others will find it as rich. The book seems written as encouragement to someone who has already taken a few steps down this road. If the pursuit of Christian justice is new to you--or something that you don't feel particularly drawn to--I don't think "Follow Me to Freedom" would be a good introduction. For a more introductory guide to a justice-filled life, I would recommend any of Shane's earlier books, especially "Irresistible Revolution".

If you want to lead in the battles against modern injustice, pick up this book and join in the conversation. May "Follow Me to Freedom" ignite the prophet within. on Sale!

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The Survivors Club: The Secrets and Science that Could Save Your Life

2010-07-31T22:21:00.001-07:00

±1±: Now is the time The Survivors Club: The Secrets and Science that Could Save Your Life Order Today!

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Aug 01, 2010 00:21:05

There are plenty of books about coping with adversity. But isn't until now, with WHO SURVIVES, that we discover the human factors that determine survival. It's a combination instruction book and security blanket that blends compelling true stories with cutting-edge science to deliver some of the most important lessons we'll ever need to learn.

The book will:
--list the most important traits necessary for survival (e.g., adaptability, tenacity, faith)
--identify the 5 types of survivors
--debunk myths (like only the strong survive), explore the frontiers of survival science (How much strain and punishment can a human body endure?), and introduce readers to counterintuitive thinking (Ever heard of posttraumatic growth?)
--provide a Survivors Tool Kit, including an online test that measures one's Survivor's Quotient

Each one of us eventually joins the club of millions who face life's inescapable tribulations and tragedies. WHO SURVIVES is the companion we need to prepare us for and guide us through the worst.

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±1±: Best Buy The Survivors Club by Ben Sherwood is an entertaining book, but a little short on anything useful. The stories are interesting, until he jumps around and fills us with useless background on the persons involved (do I care where they were born, where they went to high school and such trivia). The advice he provides is not new or life changing, just what any normal thinking person might do anyway, I suspect that is his way of making us feel good and like his book.

What I disliked is his distortions on the Bosnian War. He was covering the war from Sarajevo for ABC news , and he should have known first had what was going on. Yet he claims without comment that the Serbian army massacred 8000 men and boys in Srebrenica in July of 1995. He goes on to explain in detail, as if fact, the torture, murder and mass graves. This is a little deceptive since nobody really knows how many people from Srebrenica were executed, how many died in combat, and how many were collateral damage, but we do know that most of the victims were military personnel and not civilians. The Hague Tribunal has acknowledged that "a percentage of the bodies in the gravesites examined may have been of men killed in combat," Probably a massacre happened but maybe not like that picture which main stream media has offered.
He also claims that Slobodan Milosevic died of fear in prison during his war crimes trials at the Hague. Fear of what? The trial produced nothing to condemn him, and was going badly (not that I am saying he was innocent). It is more likely Milosevic was poisoned, as his autopsy suggests.
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The Overton Window

2010-07-19T07:21:00.001-07:00

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Jul 19, 2010 09:21:10

A plan to destroy America, a hundred years in the making, is about to be unleashed . . . can it be stopped?

There is a powerful technique called the Overton Window that can shape our lives, our laws, and our future. It works by manipulating public perception so that ideas previously thought of as radical begin to seem acceptable over time. Move the Window and you change the debate. Change the debate and you change the country.

For Noah Gardner, a twentysomething public relations executive, it's safe to say that political theory is the furthest thing from his mind. Smart, single, handsome, and insulated from the world's problems by the wealth and power of his father, Noah is far more concerned about the future of his social life than the future of his country.

But all of that changes when Noah meets Molly Ross, a woman who is consumed by the knowledge that the America we know is about to be lost forever. She and her group of patriots have vowed to remember the past and fight for the future--but Noah, convinced they're just misguided conspiracy-theorists, isn't interested in lending his considerable skills to their cause.

And then the world changes.

An unprecedented attack on U.S. soil shakes the country to the core and puts into motion a frightening plan, decades in the making, to transform America and demonize all those who stand in the way. Amidst the chaos, many don't know the difference between conspiracy theory and conspiracy fact--or, more important, which side to fight for.

But for Noah, the choice is clear: Exposing the plan, and revealing the conspirators behind it, is the only way to save both the woman he loves and the individual freedoms he once took for granted.

After five back-to-back #1 New York Times bestsellers, national radio and Fox News television host Glenn Beck has delivered a ripped-from-the-headlines thriller that seamlessly weaves together American history, frightening facts about our present condition, and a heart-stopping plot. The Overton Window will educate, enlighten, and, most important, entertain--with twists and revelations
no one will see coming.

(edited by author)

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±1±: Best Buy Glenn Beck can definitely write.

Very well drawn characters that you start to care about, a plot that moves at a decent pace, and some interesting dialog.

But this novel was not really written to entertain, it was written to inform (the "leave you hanging" ending shows the book's real purpose very clearly), and it does that far better than it does anything else. Many of his facts are documented at the end of the book, and even better, much of the documentation can be checked online. As to whether or not his scenario could or would happen . . . who knows? He even admits himself that this is probably the most extreme version of what could happen.

However, taken all together, his information does give much food for thought about what really IS happening in America.

What he really wants is for this book to pique your interest enough so that you launch your OWN investigation into the facts and claims he makes, and figure out for yourself what it all means. He provides us a starting point, and then expects us to be intelligent enough to check his facts, do our own research, and come to our own conclusions as to whether or not his hypothesis holds water. That alone is a breath of fresh air, particularly given how often the news and editorial outlets treat us like idiots who couldn't think our way out of a three foot high, backyard corn maze.

Oh, and there is an easter egg in the book: a real web site that he created with even more of the kinds of facts he lists in the book for us to think about and add into the mix. The catch? It's not at the end in the documentation section, but is referenced, only once, somewhere in the actual story.

All in all, I give the book a middle "B" on the entertainment value, but a solid "A" on the information provided, particularly in the creative and engaging way in which he provides it. Read it, research it, talk about it with your friends, think about it, and come to your own conclusions. All in all, very recommended. on Sale!

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Cooking Alinsky's Goose: The New Capitalist Cookbook

2010-07-07T10:34:00.001-07:00

±1±: Now is the time Cooking Alinsky's Goose: The New Capitalist Cookbook Order Today!

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Jul 07, 2010 12:34:11

Saul Alinsky was a radical Socialist and political activist; his conflict/response model for revolutionary activism has been a tactical compass for every left-leaning political action in America from Abbey Hoffman's Chicago trial to the media attacks on Gov. Sarah Palin. President Barrack Obama demonstrated in 2008 he understood this model even better than Alinsky's star pupil, Hillary Clinton. Incredibly, Alinsky's model can be applied to any political situation, even one in which the target for change is Alinsky's own Socialist America. Using Alinsky's rules to achieve the defeat of Socialism has a certain sweet irony to it. Cooking Alinsky's Goose is a field guide to creating cognitive dissonance across the spectrum of political discourse. It is a "take the gloves off" approach to fighting Socialism in America. The book is controversial in its premise, outrageous in its audacity, and profound in its political scope.

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±1±: Best Buy
In just 100 pages, author Charly Gullett takes you on a clearly written, bright,
witty, and, most of all, USEFUL tour of the tips, tricks, and tactics that have
resulted in a socialist America that is about to become unrecognizable.

Gullett believes that the time now has come to borrow the clever,
successful RULES of the socialist Saul Alinsky ... and use them to save
and reconstruct our imperiled capitalism. What is good for the goose,
indeed, is good for the gander.

While I do not agree with some of the tactics the author describes, I found
Gullet's cookbook a fast and easy read, and it just might get YOU off the couch
in time to save your country, your job, your wealth, your family, your guns, and
YOURSELF from the socialist sock puppets.

Below is a snippet from pages 49-50. This will give you just a taste of what Gullet
sees that has gone wrong, and what Americans might want to do about it:

"...What has transpired with Governor Sarah Palin is right out of Alinsky's
`Rules for Radicals.' To date she has been challenged by over 20 ethics charges,
many of which were thrown out as ridiculous. Five of the continuing saga of filings
have been charged by the same person who has clearly figured out how the process
works, understands both the emotional and financial impact to Governor Palin,
the State of Alaska and the Republican party. Palin announced...that the one-half
million dollars in attorney fees has decimated her family and has served to provide
a psychotic left-wing media with regular headlines. In Alinsky terms, the Alaska Ethics
Manual was the rule book, the target was identified as Palin, the issue was frozen
(each time a different ethic complaint was filed), Palin was personalized as the only
responsible party, and the media has dutifully polarized the issue.

"The entire premise of this book [`Cooking Alinsky's Goose'] is that we do the same
thing back at them, using exactly the same tactics, achieving the same well-proven
results. Imagine the stink if Speaker Nancy Pelosi was suddenly faced with 10,000
ethics charge violations. Impossible? Not really. Consider that one motivated person
with a home computer in Alaska created 25% of all the time, millions of dollars of
money and effort to answer Governor Palin's ethics charges ....

"... What are we doing? Why aren't we locating the ethics violation rule book on the
web sites in our home states and the federal government and filing charges against
all the idiots that have tanked the economy, taxed our children, and titillated the
welfare addicts into voting a totalitarian endgame into the White House?"

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Insurrectionary Anarchism: Revolutionary Struggle, the Coming Insurrection, Conscientious Arsonists, Black Star, Nihilist Faction

2010-06-25T09:45:00.001-07:00

±1±: Now is the time Insurrectionary Anarchism: Revolutionary Struggle, the Coming Insurrection, Conscientious Arsonists, Black Star, Nihilist Faction Order Today!

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Jun 25, 2010 11:45:34

Purchase includes free access to book updates online and a free trial membership in the publisher's book club where you can select from more than a million books without charge. Excerpt: Insurrectionary anarchism is a revolutionary theory, practice and tendency within the anarchist movement which emphasizes the theme of insurrection within anarchist practice. It opposes formal organizations such as labor unions and federations that are based on a political programme and periodic congresses. Instead, insurrectionary anarchists support informal organization and small affinity group based organization. Insurrectionary anarchists put value in attack, permanent class conflict, and a refusal to negotiate or compromise with class enemies. Contemporary insurrectionary anarchism inherits the views and tactics of anti-organizational anarcho-communism and illegalism. Platformist anarchist Joe Black says that "There is a long tradition within anarchism of constructing ideologies out of a tactic. The long and deep involvement of anarchists in insurrections has, not surprisingly, given rise to an anarchist ideology of insurrectionalism." "In 1876, at the Berne conference of the International Working Men's Association, the Italian anarchist Errico Malatesta argued that the revolution "consists more of deeds than words", and that action was the most effective form of propaganda. In the bulletin of the Jura Federation he declared "the Italian federation believes that the insurrectional fact, destined to affirm socialist principles by deed, is the most efficacious means of propaganda"." As anarcho-communism emerged in the mid 19th century it had an intense debate with bakuninist collectivism and as such within the anarchist movement over participation in syndicalism and the workers movement as well as on other issues. So "In the theory of the revolution" of anarcho-communism as elaborated by Peter Kropotkin and others "it is the risen people ... More: http://booksllc.net/?id=2836779

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The Coming Insurrection (Semiotext(e) / Intervention)

2010-06-16T04:07:00.001-07:00

±1±: Now is the time The Coming Insurrection (Semiotext(e) / Intervention) Order Today!

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Jun 16, 2010 06:07:36

Thirty years of "crisis," mass unemployment, and flagging growth, and they still want us to believe in the economy. . . . We have to see that the economy is itself the crisis. It's not that there's not enough work, it's that there is too much of it.
—from The Coming Insurrection

The Coming Insurrection is an eloquent call to arms arising from the recent waves of social contestation in France and Europe. Written by the anonymous Invisible Committee in the vein of Guy Debord—and with comparable elegance—it has been proclaimed a manual for terrorism by the French government (who recently arrested its alleged authors). One of its members more adequately described the group as "the name given to a collective voice bent on denouncing contemporary cynicism and reality." The Coming Insurrection is a strategic prescription for an emergent war-machine to "spread anarchy and live communism."

Written in the wake of the riots that erupted throughout the Paris suburbs in the fall of 2005 and presaging more recent riots and general strikes in France and Greece, The Coming Insurrection articulates a rejection of the official Left and its reformist agenda, aligning itself instead with the younger, wilder forms of resistance that have emerged in Europe around recent struggles against immigration control and the "war on terror."

Hot-wired to the movement of '77 in Italy, its preferred historical reference point, The Coming Insurrection formulates an ethics that takes as its starting point theft, sabotage, the refusal to work, and the elaboration of collective, self-organized forms-of-life. It is a philosophical statement that addresses the growing number of those—in France, in the United States, and elsewhere—who refuse the idea that theory, politics, and life are separate realms.

Intervention series
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±1±: Best Buy The Coming Insurrection is one of those books that is worthy of consideration. The is worth of consideration not because its views are those that we necessarily agree with, but rather being informed and cognizant of what a particular group or faction is saying is something that unfortunately has been lost in today's self-involved, mostly self-indulgent soundbite-driven society. I grew up listening to the very radical views of groups such as the American Indian Movement (AIM), the Black Panthers, the Nation of Islam, were going after during the sixties and seventies and what they were trying to go for. At their core they were more about mobilizing change through public awareness than through anarchy . The Powers that Be do not want change because it's uncomfortable, it jars loose the facade of "civilized society". When that happens people can either embrace it, confront it or run from it, but you can never pretend that it isn't there.

This is perhaps a crucial point that the Invisible Committee is trying to put across to those who have the courage and the patience to listen. Listening doesn't mean you agree with it - and I don't agree with all of what "The Coming Insurrection" has to say. However, there is an incredible eloquence and sense of history, as well as a clear sense that the Invisible Committee is quite aware of the gilded cages and the false sense of security that our governments and corporations have lulled the larger public at large into. We are dependent upon the systems that have been laid into place and we forget important realities such as the fact that most people in our civilized society don't know how to take care of themeselves by way of growing their own food, self sufficiency, communication without cellphones or computers or even how to be in the world without leaving a digital footprint every moment of our existence. It won't take a great deal to bring the things we hold dear crashing down around us. The next natural disaster the next Katrina, the next Midwestern flood or tornado, the next oil spill, the next 9/11 attack, the next hacker that really can get through all of our false sense of security and quite effectively render us inert.

Those reviewers who are very foolishly dismissing this work as too leftist, too communist, too socialist, too self indulgent and depressed for consideration really need to think long and hard about what the authors are actually saying. We live in a very controlled world. People can quote the ideals of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, but mostly that exists for those who obey under the United Police States of Wherever in the ever tightening circle of control that is starting to resemble collars of control, not unlike those seen in the film, "The Running Man," and the majority has no awareness of it whatsoever. The problem I have with the book is it is a bleak glimpse into minds that rather than seeing opportunity to change society into what we want it to be, just simply seek to overthrow it solely through organised civil disobedience and anonymous undermining of areas of territory or "communes" in order to have the freedoms that they think that they want. I am not really sure that the authors know what it is that they want, they just know that they don't want what they have now, they don't want to have to work, not even for themselves. Even Fox News', Glenn Beck knows not to offhandedly dismiss these folks. Beck is right. To simply offhandedly dismiss such movements gives rise to terrorism. The idea of, "it can't happen here or now," is erroneous. We need to pay attention at least a little to such missives if only to be aware of what the underlying ideals of these groups are.

Those of us who have been around radical movements in the past decades also know that effecting change in society is not nearly as simple as what they are proposing. No change of lasting value ever is. The bigger picture must be considered. "The Coming Insurrection", for all it's eloquence and proposals to hopefully building some sort of radical cohesiveness among the increasingly disenfranchised masses who are unemployed, bored or the otherwise dissatisfied individuals, is a very hard sell. I doubt that many or even any of the members of the Invisible Committee really ever were a part of a radicalised movement themselves, and in some ways idealise the idea of being a part of such a movement now. I do not think that the Invisible Committee yet has a clear enough idea how to go about achieving what they are after or can articulate it succinctly enough to convey it to the larger masses needed in order to bring about such changes.

The introduction of the book was absolutely tedious and I almost stopped reading because the author seemed to be enjoying the sound of his own writing far too much. I think the idea of succinctly conveying an idea rather alluded them. The rest of the book was a bit easier, and the conclusion was rather disjointed and anti-climactic, painting a picture of what they imagined that their efforts might do in the end. All in all, "The Comming Insurrection" is worth the read, if only to be aware of the mindset as well as maybe be reminded just how dependent on technologies we have all become. We can all use being a bit more self sufficient and socially aware and involved in the world around us, as well as a clearer view of how governments, social change and revolutions actually have worked in the past and how they continue to work today. on Sale!

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